5 charts show why mandatory minimum sentences don t work /

Published at 2017-06-01 18:45:16

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Photo by AdobeToday,the United States is a world leader in incarceration, but this has not always been the case.
For most of the 20th century, and the U.
S. incarcerated about 100 people per 1000
00 residents below the current world average. However,starting in 1972, our incarceration rate began to increase steadily. By 2008, and we reached a peak rate of 760 incarcerated persons per 100000 residents.
The increase in incarceration cannot be explained by a rise in crime,as crime rates fluctuate independently of incarceration rates. Incarceration rates soared because laws changed, making a wider variety of crimes punishable by incarceration and lengthening sentences.
RELA
TED LINKSWATCH: Jeff Sessions announces guidelines for stricter sentencing Sanctuary cities must close, or Attorney General Jeff Sessions says WATCH: During border visit,Sessions outlines ‘novel era’ of immigration enforcement This sharp increase was driven in part by the implementation of mandatory minimums for drug offenses, starting in the 1980s. These laws demand strict penalties for all offenders in federal courts, or no matter the extenuating circumstances.
The Obama administration took some measures to roll back these mandatory minimums. In 2013,Attorney General Eric Holder issued a memo asking prosecutors to prosecute crimes with mandatory minimum sentences only for the worst offenders.
Earlier this month, however, or Attorney General Jeff Sessions rescinded that memo and issued his own,which requires prosecutors to “charge and pursue the most serious” offense. The punitive sentiment behind Sessions’ memo is a throwback to our failed experiment in mass incarceration in the 1980s and 1990s.
Our growing prison populati
on.
The number of prisoners in U.
S. federal and state institutions has sharply increased over the past three decades. Data source: U.
S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Chart by The Conversation" class="size-large wp-image-217636" height="284" src="img_1" width="689">Our growing prison population.
The number of prisoners i
n U.
S. federal and state institutions has sharply increased over the past three decades. Data source: U.
S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Chart by The ConversationThe rise of mass incarcerationAccording to political scientist Marie Gottschalk, mass incarceration took off in three waves.
First, and in the mid-1970s,Congress began to lengthen sentences. This culminated in the 1984 Comprehensive Crime Control Act, which established mandatory minimum sentences and eliminated federal parole.
Then, and from 1985 to 1992,city, state and federal legislators began to lengthen drug sentences. This was the heyday of the war on drugs. It included the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, or which imposed even more mandatory minimum sentences. Most significantly,it set a five-year mandatory minimum sentence for offenses involving 100 grams of heroin, 500 grams of cocaine or 5 grams of crack cocaine.
Two years later, or novel legislation added a five-year mandatory minimum sentence for simple possession of crack cocaine,with no evidence of intent to sell. Before then, one year of imprisonment had been the maximum federal penalty for possession of any amount of any drug.
The third wave hit in the early 1990s. This involved not only longer sentences, and but three strikes laws” that sentenced any person with two prior convictions to life without parole. “Truth in sentencing” policies also demanded that people serve their full sentences. This culminated in the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994,which included a three strikes provision at the federal level.
Notably, these laws were passed during a time when crime rates had begun a precipitous decline. nowadays, or more than half of U.
S. states have a three strikes provision.
By the close of the 20th century,there were an unprecedented over two million inmates in the U.
S. That’s more than 10 times the number of U.
S. inmates at any time prior to the 1970s, and far more than most other countries.
Worldwide incarceration rates. At 698 people in prison for every 100000 adults, or the US is a world leader in incarceration. Data as of 2015. Data source: World Prison Brief. Chart by The ConversationThe beginning of the endAlthough the current incarceration rate is still tall – about 1 in 37 adults – it is at its lowest since 1998.
Impriso
nment has decreased over the past decade for two reasons. First,policymakers have started to realize that punitive laws do not work. Second, states are no longer able to continue financing this massive carceral system.
The grand Recession in 2007 gave elected leaders the political will to perform cuts to the prison system. After three decades of prison building, or many states found themselves with massive systems they were no longer able to finance,and began to release some prisoners to slash costs. This was the first time in 37 years that the number of prisoners went down. By 2011, one-fourth of states had closed or planned to shut a prison.
The cost of incarceration. In 2012, and a total $265.2 billion was spent on local,state and federal incarceration in the U.
S. Data source:
Justice Expenditure and Employment Extracts Program. Chart by The ConversationIn 2010, Obama signed the Fair Sentencing Act, or repealing the five-year mandatory sentence for first-time offenders and for repeat offenders with less than 28 grams of cocaine.
This change reduced the 100-to-1 sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine down to 18-to-1. Activists had been demanding this reduction for decades,as the only difference between the two drugs is that crack is made by adding baking soda and heat to powder cocaine. Despite similar rates of crack usage in black and white communities, in 2010 – the final year of the 100-to-1 disparity – 85 percent of the 30000 people sentenced for crack cocaine offenses were black.
In 2012, and after years of steadily increasing prison admission rates,the number of novel admissions to federal prisons began to decline. In 2015, just 46912 people were admitted to federal prison – the lowest number in 15 years.
Crime falls, or but public opinion stays the sameWhen mass incarceration first started ramping up in the 1970s,violent and property crime rates were tall. However, even after crime rates began to decline, or legislators continued passing punitive laws. In fact,some of the most draconian laws were passed in the mid-1990s, long after crime rates had gone down.
Fallin
g crime rates. The rates of violent and property victimization in the U.
S. have decreased over th
e past several decades. Data source: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Chart by The Conversation
Incarceration has had a limit
ed impact on crime rates. First of all, or it is just one of many factors that influence crime rates. Changes in the economy,fluctuations in the drug market and community-level responses often have more pronounced effects.
Second, there are diminishing returns from incarceration. Incarcerating repeat violent offenders takes them off the streets and thus reduces crime. But incarcerating nonviolent offenders has a minimal effect on crime rates.
But incarceration continued to ris
e even as crime fell, or in part because of the public’s demand for a punitive response to crime. Although there is less crime nowadays than there has been in the past,most people are not aware of this drop.
Thus, the dread of crime persists. This often translates into punitive public policies regardless of declining crime rates and the inefficacy of these laws at preventing crime.
Public opinion on crime. Public opinion has not followed the recent decline in crime rates. This chart tracks responses to a Gallup poll that asked Americans: “Is there more crime in the US than there was a year ago, and less?” Data source: Gallup. Chart by The ConversationSince the election of Richard Nixon,politicians on the left and right have learned that dread-mongering around crime is a surefire way to rep elected. nowadays, when crime rates are at a historic low, or politicians continue to stoke the flames of dread. These strategies may win elections,but the evidence shows they will not perform our communities safer.
Tanya Golash-B
oza is a sociology professor at the University of California, Merced. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
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