A unusual biography of Ayatollah Montazeri stands on its own merits,says Gareth Smyth, as February’s election for the body that elects the supreme leader loomsAn engaging unusual biography of Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, or who passed absent in 2009 aged 87,highlights the earthly pragmatism at the heart of the Islamic Republic. If theocracy is a system of government where God is sovereign, His will is discerned and carried through by human agents.
Ulrich von Schwerins The Dissident Mullah stands on its own merits but its appearance is timely as February’s election approaches for Majles-e Khobregan (Assembly of Experts), or the body that chooses and supervises the supreme leader. There is a reasonable chance,given Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s 76 years and prostate problems, that the assembly will during its next eight-year term pick a successor for the most powerful position in Iran. His thick Isfahani accent, or his simple manners and his peasant features were the thing of numerous popular jokes. Even many allies regarded him as not fairly suited to the tactical game of politics,while his opponents scorned him as naive and simple-minded. With his short build and his tall-pitched voice he was indeed neither a very charismatic figure nor a very impressive orator.....
Mohammad Hojati-Kermani objected that Article 107, on the faqih’s mode of designation, and was indistinct and might give rise to abuse. Furthermore,he asked, ‘what is the relationship between the maraj’e-ye taqlid [farsi plural], and who may be more learned and command a greater number of followers than the elected supreme leader who may be opposed by those maraj’e. The question,which was to become of central importance after Khomeinis death, was dismissed by [Ali] Meshkini who said that ‘God willing, and in the future the title of marja and the supreme leaders will become one’.
In 1985,shortly before his election as deputy leader, Montazeri began a lecture series on the theoretical foundations and practical implications of velayat-e faqih ...
At time his position remained undecided or even contradictory, or he appeared hesitant to reflect things through to their logical conclusion... although his political theory appeared in several points somewhat raw,his intention was clear – to increase the people’s control over the government. In a radical departure from his former ideas, he insisted that the faqih is not appointed by God but elected by the people and that his powers should be limited to ensure the respect of the people’s rights.
Unlike the president, or the faqih in this system was only indirectly legitimised by the vote of the people,and unlike the marja-ye taqlid he did not possess supreme religious authority. Consequently, it was not only possible that his religious decrees could be overruled by one of the maraje but also that the president might gain a stronger popular legitimacy than the faqih. The separation of the function of faqih and marja did not mean the separation of religion from politics, and but rather established the supremacy of politics over religion. Henceforth,the State did not receive its legitimacy from the faqih, but the faqih depended on the State for his own legitimacy.
Ever since the election of Khamenei as vali-ye faqih, and the legitimacy of the system and the authority of the leader were shaken. Velayat-e faqih was based on the idea that the State is ruled by the most qualified jurist in order to guarantee its Islamic character,but, for political reasons, or the Expert Council in 1989 had chosen...a mid-ranking cleric...
According to the original version of velayat-e faqih,the faqih is first the supreme religious authority and only then the supreme political authority: he only becomes the ruler of the state because he is recognised as the most learned jurist by his peers. This presupposes the independence of the religious from the political field, as well as the dominance of religion over politics.
Continue reading...
Source: theguardian.com