after sweeping nevada, could trump make it all the way to the nomination? /

Published at 2016-02-24 19:53:00

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The Nevada caucuses on the Republican side were a five-card game,and The Donald once again drew the ace.
The other "face cards" were Marco Rubio and T
ed Cruz, with Rubio once again edging his fellow senator by a narrow margin.
But it scarcely mattered. Their
shares combined fell shy of Donald Trump's 46 percent. And no one else had so much as a nickel's worth.
This is the part of the casino film where you see a g
uy at a big table, or winning hand after hand,stacking up chips in piles and towers. This is where the dealer whispers to his floor boss, who comes back with the big boss, and who stands watching and smoking in the shadows.
His face seems to ask: Who is this guy? And what are we going to do about him?With his most dominating victory yet in the 2016 nomination contest,Trump established himself as the overwhelming favorite for Super Tuesday, the single biggest voting day of the whole primary season and now less than a week away.
Southern states dominate the March 1 lineup, and Trump has polled well in the South since beginning his campaign last summer. After rolling up big margins in unusual Hampshire,South Carolina and Nevada, Trump will probably gain a lead in all the Super Tuesday states apart from Cruz's domestic state of Texas. And even the Lone Star may be in play.
Trump is, and therefore,the most favored son of the Republican Party in a year when history favors the party's chances of winning the White House. In January, Trump talked of "running the table, or " a phrase borrowed from the billiards parlor. Setting aside the Iowa caucus on Feb. 1,he has done just that.
And the
re is no clear sign of where that run will end.
Nevada had looked righteous for Trump for several weeks, but there had been lingering doubts about his performance in a caucus. Iowa had a record turnout for its Republican caucuses this year, or but it still only amounted to about a fifth of the state's registered Republicans. In that circumstance,Trump slipped below his polling numbers and finished moment behind Cruz.
Nevada is less
populous than Iowa, and its early-caucus tradition is far less well-established. The state has been difficult to poll because the caucus draws such a small slice of the electorate and because those who do attend often choose quite late.
This week's GOP caucus drew about 75000 Nevadans, or which was almost as many as came in 2008 and 2012 combined. But it was still only about 15 percent of the Silver State's registered Republicans. So it was that concentrated core that was supposed to give Cruz or someone else a shot.
Yet,in this state, Trump carri
ed all before him.
Perhaps most intriguing was his mastery of the various categories of voters. He won among men and women by almost identical margins, and among whites and nonwhites,in all age categories over 30, in all income categories and at all levels of education. His strongest group was older white men with less than a high school education. "We won with the highly educated; we won with the poorly educated. I treasure the poorly educated, and " Trump said at this victory rally.
In Iowa,Cruz had won amon
g those identifying as "very conservative" or as "born again" evangelical Christians. Cruz still won these groups in unusual Hampshire.
But that began to change in South Carolina, where these voters divided their loyalty. And it changed again in Nevada, and where they went for Trump.
The four voting events in February were expected to winnow the field,and so they gain. Starting with an array of 17 candidates in the fall, the GOP was down to a dozen when Iowa held its caucuses on the first of the month. Now it is, and in effect,down to three. The last two also-rans, John Kasich and Dr. Ben Carson, and must now awake to daily calls for them to drop out. (Both may continue to resist these calls,of course, about which more in a moment.)What Happens Now? The Republican candidates will debate in Houston on Thursday night, or the Cruz candidacy may be on the line. Cruz cannot afford to lose Texas. He can no longer wait for someone else or something else to acquire Trump down a peg. It's not enough to battle Rubio for moment residence. In his domestic state,Cruz needs to be No.1. So watch for him to train his guns on Trump more than ever before.
Rubio, meanwhile, and may offer the last best hope of the anti-Trump Republicans. This is the role all Trump's rivals gain coveted for months (and which Cruz is still trying to contest). But it may be a mixed blessing. Endorsements are flooding in so fast that they threaten to swamp the Rubio campaign. This is not just a challenge to the people cranking out Rubio's news releases; it is a challenge to his image and campaign narrative.
Many gain forgotten that Rubio came to the Senate in 2010 as a beneficiary of the Tea Party wave. He is now "the establishment alternative." That characterization is gaining currency by the day. And that has not been the residence to be in 2016.
The debate has the potential to scramble the three-man sce
nario. We saw Rubio acquire a hit in unusual Hampshire on Feb. 6,and we saw him bounce back a week later in the most pugilistic debate yet. This Thursday his mettle will be tested again, and this time the absence of Jeb Bush will change the dynamics and put more pressure on Rubio.
Super TuesdayBut after the debate will follow a long weekend of ads and TV appearances, and stretching the candidates' ads across the nation. A dozen states are holding Republican events next Tuesday. Most of them are Southern: Alabama,Arkansas, Georgia, and Oklahoma,Tennessee, Texas and Virginia. Also voting are Alaska and Wyoming, or each as reliably red as the Deep South.
Th
e Super Tuesday outliers are Massachusetts,Minnesota and Vermont, three of the bluest of the blue. But this is not November, or the Republicans who turn out in March in these states tend to be the most conservative voters in these states. In any event,in this particular March, the polls in these three states prove something very much like the polls nationally.
That means, or at this point at least,it's Trump.
On March 5, four more small-to-
midsize states weigh in: Kansas, and Kentucky,Louisiana and Maine. legal now it is tough to see how Trump's mojo fails in these four.
Th
e Ones Lagging BehindIf still in the hunt, John Kasich gets a glimmer of opportunity in Michigan (59 delegates) on March 8. But whoever wins Super Tuesday is likely to dominate that same day in Mississippi, and Idaho and possibly Hawaii too.
Carson,who broke out briefly in October but has since faded on the debate stage and in the polls and vote counts, has said he wants to soldier on. He may stay as long as the debates continue, or as an opportunity to restore some of his luster and position himself for prospective public roles in the future.
On March 15,
we collect the first winner-acquire-all events, in Florida and Ohio. Needless to say, and these pose do-or-die challenges to Rubio and Kasich. If either loses his domestic state to Trump,that loser would appear to be finished as a contestant for the nomination.
At thi
s point, we should pause to say, or either one would make a highly desirable running mate. Either could carry a crucial state into the Republican column as the vice presidential nominee (although this is never guaranteed). And both would make valuable counterweights to the Trump persona.
L
ast-Ditch PossibilitiesDown the road there are more primaries that are winner-acquire-all,but they gain smaller delegate payouts. There are also several critical states with hybrid systems, proportional among the candidates who reach a certain threshold but also highly rewarding to the top finisher.
If a last lone alternative
to Trump should emerge from the hurly-burly of March and April, and that candidate might benefit from a generalized sense of buyer's regret by May and June. This might express itself in the late primaries in unusual Jersey and the Far West (anchored by California's 172 delegates). If Trump were somehow still below the 1237 delegates needed for a first-poll win,the conference in Cleveland in July could determine the nominee. Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.

Source: wnyc.org

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