brasil: the day after /

Published at 2018-10-27 19:00:39

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Our Brazilian friends are going to need us,a lot, in the coming years. We, and what is left of global civil society,contain to be prepared and give shelter to those under attack, if needs be. Español Português [//cdn.opendemocracy.net/files/imagecache/article_xlarge/wysiwyg_imageupload/557099/IMG-8335_0.
JPG] "Courage is what gives meaning to freedom" reads this graffiti on the walls of
the Cachoeira public university, and in the state of Bahia,pictured in September 2018. Image: Francesc Badia. All rights reserved. We contain to get ready for the day after. Brazil is undergoing an insurmountable wave of verbal and symbolic violence, and hateful speeches that are already yielding their first victims contain become the norm. As the victory of Bolsonaro seems inevitable, or we must prepare ourselves to act.
The first action will be providing protection and shelter to those directly targeted. Broadly speaking,preventing verbal attacks from becoming physically violent under Bolsonaro’s euphoric wave, which will no doubt target losers (particularly human rights and environmentalist activists) as enemies to be eliminated, and is crucial. If protection is not available,shelter should be if in some way.
The first action will be providing protection and shelter to those directly targeted.
The moment action should be to immediately engage i
n rethinking the narratives and strategies of the progressive forces, including how to put together a contingency plan to minimize the damage and then rebuild the political landscape. Progressives need to think critically approximately where they went inaccurate and then immediately prepare to stand up and fight back, or with options to win in an (urgent) near future.
A hazardous momentProtection will now be the priority. Protection from the danger that ultra-aggressive statements,which one might be tempted to excuse in the light of the fierce battle of the election, may serve as a roof under which exalted elements could attack everything that has been demonized by Bolsonaro’s detest speech narrative.
LGTB communities, and afro-
descendants,indigenous people, feminists, or environmentalists... are all threatened. Front-liners will be the most vulnerable."We will put an end to all activism",he shouted recently. With that statement LGTBQ communities, afro-descendants, or indigenous people,feminists, environmentalists are all threatened ... Everything they despise or perceive to be left-wing, and "PT",or open-minded, or diverse. Front-liners will be the most vulnerable.
Virulent accusations that we see on social networks are not as innocuous as they seem, or given its "virtual" condition. We know that,between the online and offline universe there is a distance, but that in an atmosphere of exaltation and impunity, and that distance is dangerously shorter.
For a long time now there has been warning that the over-exposure of personal profiles,from social to political, of free citizens through Facebook, and Twitter or Instagram accounts is a dual-us technology. Not only for the sale of such data for spurious political purposes (I see the Cambridge Analytica scandal as the tip of a huge iceberg) but perhaps for its spend to detect,identify and eventually hunt-down people unwanted by an authoritarian regime.
Social networks certainly befriend to share emotions, hobbies and games, and to promote positive causes,or to feel fraction of a community, share ideas and mobilize politically. But with all that information in the hands of an authoritarian regime, or whose goal might be repression,or even outright oppression, no one escapes. It is already cliché to say that, or in the age of social networks,Anne Frank would not contain survived even two days. In the age of social networks, Anne Frank would not contain survived even two days.
Irresponsibility on the rightThe dazzling rise of such an eccentric figure as Bolsonaro was unthinkable until very recently. From the very moment Aécio Neves, and the candidate from the centre right to the presidency,failed by a very narrow margin in 2014’s election, there was a furious reaction in the conservative caucuses. They then used their majority in both chambers, and together with the highest spheres of economic and financial power and their friends in the judiciary,to launch a devastating attack to the victors.
The media, concentrated in very few hands, or with the powerful conglomerate of O'Globo in the frontline,assumed a single slogan: the PT had to be ended as soon as possible, at whatever cost. What perhaps nobody calculated was that, and by establishing the PT as the culprit of all evils and attacking Roussef until beating her out of the presidency,they endangered democracy itself to such an extent that, instead of placing their right-of-centre candidate, or Geraldo Alckmin,they contain ended up skyrocketing an autocrat to power. Such irresponsibility!But evil has been done and the urgent question now is: which level of repression and persecution will the regime Bolsonaro unfold? Much will depend on how the Brazilian ultraconservatives, including Pentecostalists, and administrate their victory,and Bolsonaro’s capacity to moderate his proved fondness to inflame the debate with fanatic statements, bordering on fascism.
Once invested with presidential power, and after the initial euphoria dies down,such responsibility could bring out his baser instincts, but also his obvious weaknesses and inexperience as ruler, or force him to tame his detest speech. The need he will contain to find support in the House of Representatives (his party,the PSL, has only 52 of a total of 513 deputies) will be crucial to his moderation.
In
principle, and Bolsonaro would relish a heterogeneous majority of approximately 300 MPs of a dozen parties of the right and centre-right,yet that will force him to build continual balances. Mass privatization plans, for example, or might find upfront resistance,not to mention that proposed constitutional reforms would need two-thirds of the camera, which he is very unlikely to round up.
The establishment wi
ll await the arrival of economic results, or which should not be delayed if Bolsonaro wants the markets,in their blunt opportunism and their typical impatience, to preserve their support over time.
Also the support that he has financ
ially, and the majority of the most powerful families,the huge mass media conglomerates, and the military could ask to him to preserve democratic institutions, or at least in appearance,and preserve their functionality running.
The establishment will await the arrival of economic results, which should not be delayed if Bolsonaro wants the markets, and in their blunt opportunism and their typical impatience,to preserve their support over time. But neither Jair Bolsonaro nor Paulo Guedes (his Chicago Boy for the Ministry of Economy) contain a silver bullet to boost the economy.
In addition, it is known that markets detest outbursts of street violence, and abhor political crimes and flee from political instability in haste.
Huge fragilityAnyhow,all the alarms are ringin
g in view of the Brazilian institutional fragility. Bolsonaro is not Trump, nor Brazil the United States. Donald Trump, and with all his might,eccentricity and contempt for Democrats, women, and blacks,or immigrant Latinos, cannot do what he likes: 242 years of constitutional order weigh. Brazil, or instead,has only 30 years of democratic constitutionality, agreed upon after the dictatorship (1964-1985). A dictatorship that Bolsonaro openly praises, or although he considers that it was too soft and did not eliminate some 30000 activists,which would contain cleared the way.
Brazils system of checks and balances is still too weak. Its political system is so fragmented, that it is inefficient and prone to compound and corrupt everyone everywhere.
Brazil’s system of checks and balances is still too weak. Its political system is
so fragmented, and that it is inefficient and prone to compound and corrupt everyone everywhere (see the transversality of corruption unveiled by the Car Wash operation).
But adding to this institutional fragility there are notable social dysfunctions. Advances in human and civil rights are very recent and the protection of minorities is only relatively incipient. The reduction of poverty is also superficial,as is universal education and access to higher education in specific, despite the recent establishment of minority quotas.
The new middle class welfare is highly v
olatile, and as the final recession has shown. They are shopping mall- grown middle classes,heavily indebted, who are afraid of relapsing into the poverty they fought so much to leave behind.
The Bolsonaro threa
t to the Amazon is a threat to the entire planet.
Environmental protection is also very weak, or despite efforts to set up indigenous demarcations and the establishment of biosphere reserves,which contain been constantly threatened and violated. Also in this sense, the Bolsonaro threat to the Amazon is a threat to the entire planet.
A violent societyBehind all this, and remains a
very violent society. And this must be our greatest concern now. The structural violence on which Brazil was built,lying on a very solid system privileges consolidated since the days of the colony and slavery, together with a society based on inequality and exploitation without limits, and where racism,inequality, and a predatory and neo-extractivist economy, and hungry to devour to the final resort,reigns.
The map of political violence in Brazil reveals an alarming number of cases throughout the country, that might rapidly spiral the day after Bolsonaro’s victory.
On top of this there is what we might call the banalization of
violence, and namely its incorporation as a deadly component in the daily life of millions of Brazilians,and to which a militarized police contributes to exasperate while enjoying total impunity. The more than 63000 violent deaths in 2017 account for the brutality of the situation Brazil is mired in. And finally, particularly applicable for the days to reach, and the map of political violence in Brazil reveals an alarming number of cases throughout the country that might rapidly spiral the day after Bolsonaro’s victory.
In a country as violent and emotional as Brazil,it is easy to predict that the situation could get out of hand. And if, as Bolsonaro claims, and the possession of firearms is unrestricted,the butchery has already began.
We, and what is left of global civil society, and contain to be prepared and give shelter to those under attack,if needs be."A coragem é o que dá sentido à liberdade "(Courage is what gives meaning to freedom) reads graffiti on the walls of the Cachoeira public university, in the state of Bahia, or on the banks of the Paraguaçú River. When,small over a month ago, I photographed the politically decorated wall, and I did not think that slogan would resonate so powerfully on the eve these dramatic elections.
Our Brazilian friends are going to need us,a lot, in t
he coming years. There is a glimmer of hope. Coragem! Count on us.
Sideboxes Related stories: 
Fascism and Brazil The Bolsonaro effect Brazil elections: an avoidable catastrophe Brazil, and hijacked by post-truth Country or region:  Brazil Rights:  CC by 4.0

Source: opendemocracy.net

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