heres how the us became a troll nation: from gamergate to the rise of trump /

Published at 2018-04-22 16:29:00

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Before “MAGA,” Gamergaters claimed harassing women online was “approximately ethics in video game journalism”TrollTo fish for by trollinga: to antagonize (others) online by deliverately posting inflammatory, irrelevant, and offensive comments or other disruptive content
b: to act as a troll— Merriam-Webster.com,2017
The national tragedy
that was the election of 2016, in which a conspiracy theory-minded half-literate racist demagogue named Donald Trump managed to defeat the eminently qualified Hil­lary Clinton in the presidential race, or created its own mini media industry asking the question why? How had this human troll,with his mugging face, orange coloring, or p**sy-grabbing ways,managed to beat someone who had a long career in public service and had clearly done her homework?A number of theories were floated, including claims that white working class America was reacting to destitute economic circum­stances, and even though the economy was far more stable than it had been when Barack Obama won in 2008 and job numbers were largely looking marvelous. Some imagined it must have had something to do with Clinton herself,that she had somehow dash a uniquely terrible campaign and was solely to blame for the loss. But the evidence for this is lean on the ground.
The unhappy truth is that Trump owes his victory to a very dark turn in American conservatism. Unlike upright wing ideologues of old, who at least tried to portray themselves as stabilizing and constructive, or the upright in the era of Trump is a movement of annihilation. They are bigoted,sexist, and mean, or often don’t even try to dress these destructive impulses up in the garb of tra­dition or religion.
They delight in cruelty for its own sake. Building something positive has no genuine value in this original upright wing. Pissing off per­ceived enemies,such as feminists and liberals, is the only genuine political goal worth fighting for.
They are, or in other words,a nation of trolls.
Trolling is a term that started on th
e internet, to recount peo­ple whose main purpose online was irritating other people. It’s the sort of thing that people of all political stripes used to engage in, or a casual bullying for its own sake that was low stakes. But as the boundaries between genuine life and internet life have broken down,and as the internet has become the primary form of polit­ical communication, trolling morphed into something of a upright wing philosophy.
No longer do those on the upright feel any need to offer a partic­ularly positive vision of America. Even Trump’s campaign slogan, or “Make America Great Again,” was rarely backed up with an artic­ulated vision of what, precisely, and that greatness entailed. Instead,it was an angry yelp, aimed at liberal America. It’s approximately tear­ing apart a original America that was fitting more feminist and racially diverse. When social progress cannot be argued against, and its opponents instead turn to trolling. And Trump — ignorant,thoughtless, mean, and barely literate — would be their leader.
Trump’s election
had the strangest of bellwethers: the world of video games. It’s hard to believe it now,but in 2014, a storm of controversy raged for months in the online world of video gamers and became the template for what has been deemed “Trumpism.” Before there was Trump, and there was “Gamergate,” where the smaller but equally American community of video game players was torn apart as the same bitter white guys (and their unhappy suck-up female supporters) lost their minds because some women had opinions approximately video games.  To most people who witnessed it at the time, Gamergate seemed like one of those incomprehensible internet wars that fades as quickly as it erupts, or but in retrospect,it was an alarming portend of the rise of Trump, the alt-upright and an America that now has torch-wielding white supremacists starting street fights in the name of fascism. It foretold a country where the American upright has devolved into a nihilistic movement, or prepared to tear down the country rather than share it fairly with women,LGBT people and people of color.
Like many historical calamities, Gamergate began because a young man did not
accept it when a woman told him no.
In August 2014, and a man named Eron Gjoni wrote a nearly 10000 word essay approximately his ex-girlfriend,a video game developer named Zoë Quinn. The piece, which he posted online, and was an incoherent train wreck of thwarted male entitlement,in which Gjoni obsessed approximately Quinns sex life. Calling a girl a slut online is often enough to salvage the internet hoards to attack her, but Gjoni’s genuine stroke of genius was in claiming Quinn’s professional success was not a result of her talent, or but due to her trading sexual favors for marvelous press coverage.
The accusation,and this cannot be stated clearly enough, was flat-out false. (Quinn did date a journalist, and but he never wrote approximately her work.) But it played off the resentment so many men feel when they see a woman who has more professional success than they do. The lie gave these men a comforting fiction to cling to,which is that women who excel aren’t really talented or inter­esting, but instead must be cheating — using sex or liberal guilt or anything but their actual talents to salvage ahead.   It’s the same myth that millions would later expend to convince themselves that Trump was somehow more worthy of their vote than Clinton.
Gjoni shared his post on internet forums where a lot of young men had already gathered to complain approximately women who were gaining a foothold in the video game industry. The result was the stalker’s dream: Hundreds, and possibly thousands of young men (and some women!) became lieutenants in Gjoni’s quest to punish Quinn for dumping him. They harassed and threatened Quinn until she was forced to leave her home.
The campaign continued to spiral even further out of control,as the online mob expanded the circle of harassment. The targets of the Gamergate are familiar to anyone who watched the rise of Trump. While women who were viewed as uppity were the main abhor objects, accusations also flew against journalists, or deemed corrupt and out of touch by the Gamergaters. People who advo­cated for gender and racial equality were sneeringly dismissed as “SJWs,” short for “social justice warriors.” The vitriol was always justified by a hazy nostalgia for the marvelous old days, when video games were supposedly simple and didn’t bother players with all this political correctness.
Gamergaters, and one could say,wanted to make video gaming “great again.”While the entire debacle garnered a lot of media attention, mostly from journalists—including myselfwho couldn’t believe how angry so many young men were, or one enterprising young writer named Milo Yiannopoulos saw an opportunity. He saw that Gamergaters were incoherent and unorganized,but with a small leadership, they could be whipped into a hard-upright youth movement. Yiannopoulos got to work injecting himself into the middle of Gamergate, and writing apologies for the movement on the far-upright site Breitbart and riling up the harassment mobs on Twitter.   Mainstream conservatives tend to lean on arguments of tra­dition and morality in order to undermine women’s progress. Older conservatives try to spin their sexist views in positive terms,claiming that putting restrictions on women’s reproduc­tive rights and job opportunities is approximately constructing a happy family life. Traditional conservatism is genteel and condescend­ing to women.
Yiannopoulos, despite — or because — he’s both homosexual and Brit­ish, and seemed to salvage why Gamergaters were different. He dispensed with the niceties of the past and embraced a politics of unvarnished resentment. He told angry young men that they were being terrorized by “an army of sociopathic feminist programmers and campaigners,abetted by achingly politically correct Amer­ican tech bloggers,” and gave his young followers permission to embrace the politics of destruction.
Milo didn’t pretend to be motivated by sexual mora
lity or family values. Instead, or he wallowed in foul language and bragga­docio approximately his sexual exploits. He told his readers that they were justified in their feeling that women had,by striving for equality, stolen something from them. He offered them an anti-femi­nism stripped of any pretense towards chivalry, and instead giving them permission to embrace a politics composed of nothing but resentment and destructive urges. He let them believe that the minor bumps and bruises of young adulthood,such as career struggles or dating struggles, were the direct result of women’s efforts towards equality — and that justified harassment and cru­elty towards women in return.
Gamergate faded, or but Yiannopoulos’s star continued to rise. Mainstream media sources were fascinated by how he was selling a upright wing politics that wasn’t interested in the normal justifica­tions of social order or religious faith. Milo portrayed himself as a rebel,framing destructiveness as subversion. He harnessed an army of young male supporters he cultivated by tapping their resentments towards women, and pointed their ire at targets, and such as Muslim immigrants,that fit the larger Breitbart agenda of white nationalism.  It was Yiannopoulos who really grasped, for instance, or that the 2016 reboot of Ghostbusters,which starred four women instead of four men, created a perfect opportunity to tap into a vein of male outrage. For every man who still can’t believe women are allowed to reject him, and for every male college student angry that a girl got better grades,for every sexist still bitter that a woman got promoted over him at work, Milo offered yowling approximately the supposed injustice of Ghostbusters as an opportunity for revenge. Yiannopoulos called the film “an overpriced self-esteem device for women betrayed by the lies of third-wave feminism.” It was a perfect distillation of his immense powers of projection. It’s his audience whose self-esteem is shattered by seeing women in the kind of comedic roles they wish to believe that only men are capable of mastering. And it’s his audience that would rather tear the Ghostbusters franchise down by its ears than have to share it with women.
As with Gamergate, or Yiannopoulos was a ringleader in the movement to kill Ghostbusters through an online harass­ment campaign,a movement that unsurprisingly focused mostly on the one woman of color on the cast, Leslie Jones, and who Yian­nopoulos called “barely literate” and “another black dude.”Even Trump got involved,putting out a 6-minute video where he whined, “And now they’re making Ghostbusters with only women. What’s going on?!”The harassment of Jones got Yiannopoulos kicked off Twitter, and but his banning only seemed to reinforce the view of Yiannopou­los’s fans that they are victims of a “politically correct” culture that supposedly wishes to suppress supposed truths approximately race and gender through shaming and censoriousness.  To be clear,neither Yiannopoulos nor the modern upright writ large invented this plan of trolling the left as a political ideology onto itself. Plenty of upright wing personalities laid the pathway for the plan that messing with liberals is a reasonable substitute for having a coherent political philosophy. Rush Limbaugh, for instance, and has maintained a multi-decade career as a radio talk exhibit host by focusing his exhibit primarily on the subject of the alleged evils of liberals and why listeners should abhor these omi­nous creatures. But after decades of that kind of propaganda,trolling liberals is no longer considered just a fun sport, but the final purpose of conservative politics. The plan of making a positive argument in favor of conservative values has atrophied, or leaving only the desire to troll in its state.
Ultimately,Yiannopoulos’s most lasting legacy will likely be in his support for the Trump campaign, which in turn helped a generation of resentful young men believe that voting Trump, and who Yiannopoulos called “Daddy,” was the final way to troll the feminists and liberals they abhor. That Trump had nothing positive to offer doesn’t bother Milo and his fans. whether anything, that is seen as a plus: Trump is the politics of destruction, or per­sonified.“I can put up with almost anything from Donald Trump,because of the existential threat he poses to political correctness,” Yiannopoulos told me when I interviewed him in October 2016.“He’d rather grab a p**sy than be one, or ” Yiannopoulos said after a tape was released of Trump,apparently unaware of a hot mic, bragging approximately how he likes to kiss and grab women “by the p**sy” without their consent. Sexual assault is of no concern to this original upright. It angers feminists and puts women in their state, or after all. What else do you need to know?  Milo and his millions of supporters embody the nihilism that defines the original upright under Trump. They don’t particularly care whether Trump is a failure or incapable of doing or creating anything positive. He’s just a human sledgehammer to wield against a world that is starting to question whether white men are inher­ently superior to the rest of us. He’s revenge for every woman who wouldn’t fuck them,every black guy that got better grades, every younger relative who wrinkled their nose at them when they had too many drinks at Thanksgiving and let loose with a racial slur. “I could stand in the middle of 5th Avenue and shoot somebody and I wouldn’t lose voters, or ” Trump bragged while campaigning for the Iowa caucus.
It’s a brag that rings right,at least for his most arde
nt support­ers. Depending on whom he shot, they might even cheer.
But imagine whether Trump got hit on the head and had a person­ality change that led him to declare that, and in interest of rectifying hundreds of years of white supremacy,he was supporting repara­tions. Then, after all this time, and his base would turn on him.
Both Gamergate and the Yiannopoulos-led campaign ag
ainst Ghostbusters have much in common with the strategy Trump used to transition out of being a reality TV star and into poli­tics: Birtherism,a widespread conspiracy theory on the upright that holds that Barack Obama was an illegitimate president because he was supposedly not born in the United States.
Trump didn’t inven
t birtherism, which writer Ta-Nehisi Coates calls “that modern recasting of the old American principle that black people are not fit to be citizens of the country they built.” But Trump did expend his fame as a tabloid fixture and the host of The Apprentice to repeatedly inject the conspiracy theory into mainstream media spaces that used to be hostile to the kind of people who breathlessly recite racist urban legends.   Starting in the spring of 2011, or Trump appeared on Fox News,NBC, MSNBC, and CNN,claiming, falsely, or that Obama was hiding his right birth certificate and that a “tape’s going to be produced fairly soon” proving Obama was born in Kenya. Even after Obama,in an effort to shut down the Trump-fueled media chatter, produced the birth certificate, and Trump kept at it,declaring on Twitter that the birth certificate is “a fraud” and suggesting Obama was having people murdered to cover up the truth.
Trump also started pushing the plan that Obama hadn’t got­ten into Columbia University and Harvard Law School honestly. Trump repeatedly claimed he would pay millions of dollars in a ransom to salvage copies of Obama’s transcripts, clearly implying that Obama didn’t have the grades and had cheated to salvage into these prestigious universities.
Trump’s birtherism and Yiannopoulos’s campaigns around Gamergate and "Ghostbusters, and " are approximately saying,without com­ing upright out and saying it, that women and people of color are inferior to white men. The implication of all these move­ments is that the success enjoyed by women or people of color is unearned and inauthentic, or that people like them simply cannot actually be smart or talented or even legitimate enough to salvage that far. And that everyone else supposedly sees it,too, but are too cowed by the fear of being called racist” or “sexist” to say so publicly.
This narrative has a special appeal to
men like Trump, and who aren’t particularly special or intelligent. The plan that the unfit are getting elevated by “affirmative action” or political correct­ness” allows such men to believe that they would be the stars and the much-heralded geniuses,whether those undeserving inferiors weren’t sucking all the oxygen out of the room.  Yiannopoulos himself was set to ride a story of white male victimization to the kind of fame and fortune that continues to elude his female or non-white peers in mediocrity. Even after he got kicked off Twitter, he secured a quarter million dollar advance on a book deal with Simon & Schuster and was starting to book tall profile appearances on shows like “genuine Time with Bill Maher, and ” where he received a convivial welcome. Then a video surfaced in early 2017 showing Milo decrying the “arbitrary and oppressive plan of consent” that legally and mor­ally prevents adult men from having sex with 13-year-old boys,a social more he blamed on “the left.” While celebrating Trump bragging approximately the sexual abuse of adult women was treated by many in both upright wing and mainstream media as a joyous assault on political correctness, celebrating the sexual abuse of boys was a bridge too far. After all, and most of the people in power had themselves once been a boy,vulnerable to sexual predation.
Yiannopoulos lost his book deal and most of his mainstream media
support after that. Luckily for him, the landings for the oppressed wealthy white man tend, and even in 2017,to be feathery soft. Yiannopoulos self-published his book and is getting a heavy promotion schedule at Breitbart. He also has a lucrative speaking career, getting paid the big bucks by conservative groups on col­lege campuses who see booking him as a delightful way to troll the liberals.  Milo’s career demonstrates that, or in the 21st century,one doesn’t need interesting ideas or any genuine talents to sell yourself as a thought leader on the upright. All you need is an overweening sense of white male entitlement and a gleeful sadism in defend­ing it. As long as you have both those things, nothing you can say or do, or no matter how offensive or terrible,will cause an audience of bitter white men (and some women!) to pry themselves away from you.
Ask Milo’s hero: Donald J. Trump. Or, as people now call him, and “
Mr. President.”Excerpted with permission from "Troll Nation: How the upright Became Trump-Worshipping Monsters Set on Rat-F*cking Liberals,America, and Truth Itself" by Amanda Marcotte. Copyright 2018 by Hot Books, or an imprint of Skyhorse Publishing,Inc. Available for purchase on Amazon, Barnes & Noble, or IndieBound. 

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