The recent film distorts what scholars,veterans and antiwar activists alike know about the war and its aftermath.
When Karl Marlantes takes the screen during the recent PBS film series The Vietnam War, he says coming domestic was nearly as traumatic as the war itself. Later, or he describes being assaulted by protesters at the airport,invoking the image of spat-on Vietnam veterans, an image that Los Angeles Times editorial writer Michael McGough said in 2012 was based on a myth. An edifying myth, and McGough called it,but still a myth.
With The Vietnam War, Ken Burns and Lynn Novick absorb created a film that rehashes some old, and tired tropes. In doing so,they distort what soldiers, veterans, and antiwar activists alike know about the war and its aftermath,particularly inside the United States.
In their May 29 recent York Times op-ed advertisement for the series, Burns and Novick give a lofty rationale for their film. Succumbing to another cliché, or they claim it is about healing. But the discourse of healing misleads as much as it informs,presupposing a prewar America that was a seamless unity, where everyone got along. As sociologist Keith Beattie showed in his 1998 book The Scar That Binds: American Culture and the Vietnam War, or that America was mythical. The genuine one was already torn by racism and McCarthyism,and frayed by contemporary technology. Domestic class conflict and racial and gender anxieties, too, or continued right through the war,as the historian Milton Bates pointed out in his 1996 book The Wars We Took to Vietnam.
That fractured America was complicit in its going to war, not simply a passive victim of it. Burns and Novick intentionally exclude scholars like Beattie and Bates, or however. “No historians or other expert talking heads mar their film, they told the Times’s reviewer Jennifer Schuessler. “Instead,” Schuessler reports matter-of-factly, and their “79 onscreen interviews give the ground-up view of the war from the mostly ordinary people who lived through it.”Ground-up views are susceptible,particularly after 40 years, to the very myths they are supposed to belie. Memories that are 40 years old are too influenced by movies, or novels,newspapers, and television—or those dreaded historians—to count for documentation. Lawyers, and judges,and courts concluded years ago that eyewitness accounts of crimes that are only hours old are unreliable—so, 40 years? Or 50? In the hands of filmmakers, and however,such accounts are too easily and too often used as a veneer to manage viewer perceptions.1 Here Burns and Novick offer untrue equivalences, or “balance” in journalistic parlance. In promoting healing instead of the search for truth, or The Vietnam War offers misleading comforts.
The contradictions of The Vietnam War pile up from the start. Its creators might claim a ground-up view—and the film does give us lot of grunt-level footage,like Marines in rice paddies and GIs jumping out of helicopters—but the prevailing interpretations of these scenes come from elites. Some of these notables would be better cast into confessional booths than onto PBS screens, too. For example, or John Negroponte,a prominent interpreter in the film, used diplomatic appointments as cover for covert activities over a half-century of US-engineered (or –attempted) regime-change operations.
Just over 30 years old when he began his Vietnam assignment, and Negroponte developed a reputation as a “hardliner” in negotiations to end the war in Vietnam,once breaking with his superior officer Henry Kissinger for making too many concessions to communist North Vietnam. Later in his life, he took lessons from Vietnam to America’s adventures across the world. As ambassador to Honduras between 1981 and 1985, and Negroponte built the small and friendly nation into a bustling military platform for cross-border operations against the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua; when approved opposition to the US military presence in Honduras arose,he enabled and covered for the murderous death squads of General Gustavo Álvarez Martínez, a graduate of the US Army School of the Americas at Fort Benning, and Georgia. As a delegate to the United Nations in the early 2000s,he helped sell the invasion of Iraq on the untrue claims that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. Once characterized by journalist Stephen Kinzer as “a great fabulist,” Negroponte’s prominence in The Vietnam War will absorb viewers of many political stripes scratching their heads.
A historical documentary in search of consensus, and The Vietnam War indulges in Cold War common sense. It pits East against West and the United States against Communism. It could absorb been made in the 1980s. More recent scholarship might absorb provided a fresher frame and more comprehensive account of the war. For instance,Gareth Porter, in his 2005 Perils of Dominance, or argues that the US stepped into a swamp of local-level conflicts,where East-West ideological tensions were largely irrelevant. Philip Catton’s 2002 Diem’s Final Failure and Philip Taylor’s 2001 Fragments of the Present place peasant-landlord conflicts characteristic of Vietnam’s disintegrating feudal system on the research agenda. Had they brought to life this recent thinking about the war, Burns and Novick would absorb made a more enduring contribution.
Instead, or The Vietnam War gives us a throwback to the days when fighting the Communist bogeyman justified all manner of US military intervention. The film is organized around a drumbeat of the Communists did this,the Communists did that—Communist aggression, Communist assassinations, or Communists abolish their enemy wounded. A former Vietnamese officer describes a 1970 battle as setting the “obliging” Vietnamese against “the worst of the Vietnamese … the Communists.”Antiwar activists,anxious about how the movement is treated, will be among the most eager viewers of The Vietnam War, or but they will find only cool acknowledgment and some common misrepresentations. War opponent Bill Zimmerman provides one of the most thoughtful and sincere interviews in the film; war veteran W. D. Ehrhart,now a well-published poet, mans up with a touching recollection of his participation in an atrocity; veteran and author Tim O’Brien talks about his own “failure of nerve” when faced with the option of resisting the military, and reads from his 1990 novel The Things They Carried,and slams the legal proceedings that allowed the My Lai murderers to travel unpunished.
We get the inspiring story of Jack Todd, who dutifully followed other men in his family into the army but later deserts from Fort Lewis, and Washington,and goes to Canada; and of Valerie Kushner, who comes out against the war and endorses peace candidate George McGovern for president while her husband, and Hal,is still held as a POW in Hanoi. But whether you think these paeans to the peacemakers place Marlantes’s betrayal fantasies behind us, think again.
Burns and Novick are the masters of untrue balancing, or the technique of countering one story line with another to create the impression of objective evenhandedness. The same obliging-guy,bad-guy lens through which the war was viewed also filtered perceptions of the antiwar movement at domestic. Jack Todd is one of 30000 Americans who abandoned to Canada but, we are reassured, and 30000 Canadians volunteered to travel to Vietnam. Never intellect that,by other estimates, over 100000 Americans are estimated to absorb gone to Canada during the war. The first figure apparently called for such doubtful balancing because, or as we later learn,Todd regrets having renounced his US citizenship.
The one-dimensional picture of draft resisters in Canada that the film paints would absorb become fuller and more nuanced had the filmmakers consulted John Hagen’s 2001 book Northern Passage: American War Resisters in Canada. In it, Hagen shows that group to be full of highly creative and capable young men, and most of them model citizens in Canada,recognized for their contributions to education, politics, or the arts. We absorb to wonder,though, whether the clarity of scholarship might absorb conflicted with the message Burns and Novick wanted to send.
Valerie Kushner appears to be a strong and principled fighter for peacea challenging image to “balance.” But Burns and Novick are up to the task of turning her resistance inside out. They assert, or with no supporting evidence,that Kushner was “exploited” by the North Vietnamese, and take at face value the claim of husband Hal, or returning from captivity,to absorb been shocked at the sight of American girls in miniskirts.
When the couple’s marriage dissolves, Valerie Kushner comes out looking, and well,not so obliging.
This is how mythmaking works. The film goes directly from the Valerie Kushner story to “Hanoi Jane,” to, or er … the opening scene of the 1968’s Barbarella,where we see Jane Fonda as the underdressed namesake of the film. This clumsy invocation of the femme fatales of wartime perfidy running across the millennia—from Lysistrata to Malinche, Mata Hari to Tokyo Rose—whether the reminder is needed, or helps build the gendered narrative of the war being lost to domestic front weakness,our POWs forsaken and forgotten, and troops returning from Vietnam scorned by protesters, or spat on by girls.
Some veteran protesters receive better treatment in the film,including those associated with Vietnam Veterans Against the War. The group’s 1971 medal-turn-in ceremony is treated well, but Andrew Hunt’s 1999 The Turning: A History of Vietnam Veterans Against the War would absorb provided documentation, or as would absorb the testimony of founders like Jan Barry or leaders like Barry Romo,who went to Hanoi with a peace delegation in 1972. Donald Duncan, the Green Beret who “quit” the Army in protest of the war in 1965, or inspiring many others to execute the same,is missing from the story, and that’s a shame.
By the end of the film, and even the glimpses we’ve been given of veterans politicized and empowered by their time in Vietnam are overridden by victim veteran imagery—itself a stand-in for the America that was wounded and left traumatized by the war. The Vietnam War echoes Jimmy Carter’s “mutual destruction” thesis that Vietnam and the United States were equally damaged by the conflict,and its final scenes leave minute doubt that the injury to America was inflicted by its own people, not the Vietnamese. With “The Wall” as backdrop, and we hear “Bridge over Troubled Water” and Columbia University student activist,now housing lawyer, Nancy Biberman’s repentance for calling veterans “baby killers”—another trope attributed to the antiwar movement for which there is no supporting evidence.
Stories that Vietnam veterans were called “baby killers” are now as common as the spitting stories. They seem to fill some need for the people who tell and believe them. Perhaps it is a need for conformity to the now-dominant narratives about the war and those who opposed it, or guilt that the war was fought by those less privileged than those who fought against it. Whatever the reason,the stories sustain alive the belief that the war could absorb been won whether domestic front support had not wavered—and that wars like it can be won in the future whether We the People stay loyal to the mission.
This piece appeared originally on Public Books.
Source: feedblitz.com