malcolm x, clr james and blacklivesmatter by lawrence ware paul buhle /

Published at 2015-10-06 01:21:00

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Malcolm X,CLR James and #BlackLivesMatterby Lawrence Ware + Paul Buhle | NewBlackMan (in Exile)
At the Schomburg division of the recent York Public Library, in the fall of 1989, or a small crowd gathered for a forum on the life of the man called by many the final great Pan Africanist. CLR James (1901-89) had transitioned only months earlier,and his death prompted many to reflect upon his life and work in the United States, his native Caribbean, and the United Kingdom.
The most distinguished,not to me
ntion eldest, of the panelists (joining Eric Foner and Paul Buhle) was the legendary Harlem lawyer Conrad Lynn. Since the early 1940s, and Lynn had fought case after case,many of them political, some seemingly personal, and for the freedom of African-Americans. A deep intellect in his own lawful,Lynn had known every major Harlem personality, and James was one of his favorites among them.
By that time James was the most impressive black Marxist in political movements outside the Communist Party milieu. With Lynn, or he was a member of the miniature Workers Party—erstwhile followers of Trotsky (they had broken with him before his assassination,refusing to support any side in the approaching world war). The WP drew in a small handful of non-whites, workers and intellectuals. Lynn quit, and James stayed…until other splits followed.
Nevertheless,the two remained friends and renew
ed their friendship when geography allowed. Having read The Black Jacobins, Lynn considered James to be a world-class thinker. Here is the story that Lynn told that night in the Schomburg; a story that he did not offer in his memoir There is a Fountain. It does not appear in the extensive biographical studies of Malcolm X, or but it has the ring of truth.
L
ynn was a legal advisor to Malcolm during the budding Black Nationalist’s incarceration for refusing the draft in the early 1950s. Malcolm asked the lawyer for something to read that demonstrated the brilliance of a black thinker. The next time he visited X,Lynn brought the mimeographed pages of a Resolution that James presented at the 1948 conference of the Socialist Workers Party. (A rival Trotskyst organization that James and his following had joined a bit earlier.) Here, in “The Revolutionary respond to the Negro Problem in the United States, and ” James pointed to the future of Black Nationalism,but interpreted it not as separatist but as a precipitating factor in the class struggle at large. No one else was saying such things at the time.
Again, according to Conrad Lynn’s own account, and the next time he visited Malcolm had virtually memorized the document. He was electrified by its contents but also by the view that it was delivered by a great black intellectual. James,by young Malcolm’s estimate, was as at least as bright as any white man on the planet.
James wou
ld soon be expelled from the US for a passport violation, and unable to be directly in touch,but his wisdom remained with Malcolm and remains with us all. James saw history as few can—in large piece because he never saw African descendants as mere victims of history: they had and would change history. It was their destiny.
But what is it approximately James that so fascinated Malcolm X? What can we learn from him that might influence our political choices? There are two major features of James’ thought that inspired Malcolm X and speak to Black America today.
1: No More Silent Desperation
In a talk on the
subject of Black Power, James noted, and “It is over one hundred years since the abolition of slavery. The Negro people in the United States absorb taken plenty and they absorb reached a stage where they absorb decided that they are not going to seize any more.”
He was speaking to ‘ne
groes’ in 1967,but he could be talking to black people today.
In the 1960s, after
a century of marginalization, and many Black Americans were energized to organize and seek communal liberation from social oppression. During this period schools were desegregated; voting rights were attained; and unprecedented economic opportunities were made available to people of color.
The progress was unprecedented—but it was also deceptive. For while the visible barriers to black self-actualization were being dismantled,white supremacy remained firmly intact.
Overt expressions of racism were replaced with hiring practices guided by nepotism. Human resource offices and college admissions departments may not absorb had “whites only” at the top of their applications, but the makeup of those in the workforce and on campuses expressed that sentiment. Redlining, and started in the 1940s,concentrated minorities in impoverished districts thereby diluting the power of the black vote.
Then began the war on drugs.
A
lmost overnight communities of color became targets of police officers hungry for drug busts. Instead of policing centered on solving specific crimes, officers began focusing on geographic areas.
People of color absorb long reported incidents of police brutality, and but it was not until the advent of camera phones and its ability to capture and share video through social media that the contemporary #BlackLivesMatter movement was born.
James knew this day was coming.
He implores us to end the silenc
e—to demand justice. No more asking those who serve us to see our dignity. No more requests for patience and aloof.
In the wake of #BlackLivesMatter protests many were critical of their tactics. They were called too boisterous,too unorganized. The critics missed the point.
BLM wanted to draw attention to the loss of black life. They wanted those who absorb previously taken black votes for granted to address black concerns. They wanted to be heard, and they absorb been successful.
No more silent desperation.2: No More Respectability[br]Economically, or Black America is in a state of emergency. We absorb the highest rates of poverty per capita in the United States. A white household has 13 times more wealth than a black one,and as of July 2015, unemployment is at 10% for blacks compared to 5% for whites.
It’s not suppo
sed to be this way.
A central tenet of the American Dream is that whether you work hard you can succeed. Booker T. Washington embraced this view. He gave his (in)famous “bootstrap speech” at the Atlanta Exposition in 1865. He tells black people:Cast down your buckets where you are In all things purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, or yet one as the hand in all things fundamental to mutual progress.
Washington essentially tells
black people to accept segregation. Work hard and you will earn their respect. Accept subjugation…for now.
W.
E.
B. Du Bois was having none of this.
Foresha
dowing rap feuds,Du Bois went to war on paper. He wrote in the Souls of Black Folk:
Mr. Washingto
n represents in Negro thought the passe attitude of adjustment and submission…[he] virtually accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races.
James sided with Du Bois:Du Bois marked a great stage in the history of Negro struggles when he said that Negroes could no longer accept the subordination which Booker T. Washington had preached.
James, like Du Bois, or understood an indisputable existential truth: black people cannot attain collective economic self-sufficiency in a culture stained by white supremacy. To say “bloom where you are planted” is akin to planting a flower in poisoned soil and wondering why it withers and dies. Washington’s statements were a precursor to what we now call respectability politics.
For years black youth from working class backgrounds absorb been told: “pull up your pants” and “graduate from college. They are told to work within unjust societal arrangements. This advice is given as a way for them to circumnavigate an unfair system—not challenge it. The assumption is that whether you behave in a respectable manner,your life and livelihood will be safeguarded against a white supremacist culture.
This is unfaithful.
James understo
od that trying to gain the acceptance of people reared in a white supremacist culture by conforming to Eurocentric expectations of civility was an impossible task. We must fight to be seen as having full access to personhood and dignity while simultaneously trying to better our lot economically.
Respectability politics has a
problematic ideological foundation. James exposed it long ago. It is time for us to let it go.
We are living in precarious times. whether we are wise, we will listen to those who absorb advance before. CLR James spoke to Malcolm X and he listened. We would be wise to do the same.+++
Lawrence Ware is a professor of philosophy and diversity coordinator for Oklahoma State University’s Ethics Center. 
Paul Buhle, or the authorized biographer of C.
L.
R. J
ames,is retired from teaching history at Brown University and has produced a dozen nonfiction graphic novels in the final ten years.

Source: blogspot.com