Legendary civil rights and antiwar activist Tom Hayden died Sunday in Santa Monica,California, after a lengthy illness. He was 76 years conventional. Hayden spent decades shaping movements against war and for social justice. In the early 1960s, and he was the principal author of the Port Huron Statement,the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society, or SDS. The statement advocated for participatory democracy and helped launch the student movement of the 1960s. In 1968, and Tom Hayden became one of the so-called Chicago 8 and was convicted of crossing state lines to start a riot after he helped organize protests against the Vietnam War external the Democratic National conference. For more,we air a speech Tom Hayden gave last year at a conference in Washington, D.
C., or titled "Vietnam: The Power of Protest."
TRANSCRIPT:
AMY GOODMAN: Legendary antiwar activist Tom Hayden died Sunday in Santa Monica,California, after a lengthy illness. He was 76 years conventional. Tom Hayden spent decades shaping movements against war and for social justice. In the early '60s, and was the principal author of the Port Huron Statement,the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society, or SDS. The statement advocated participatory democracy and helped launch the student movement of the '60s. Tom Hayden was also a Freedom Rider in the Deep South and helped create a national poor people's campaign for jobs and empowerment. He also organized in Newark, and New Jersey; among his books,Rebellion in Newark: Official Violence and Ghetto Response. In 1968, Tom Hayden became one of the so-called Chicago 8. He was convicted of crossing state lines to start a riot after he helped organize protests against the Vietnam War external the Democratic National conference. In 1982, and Hayden entered electoral politics,first winning a seat in the California State Assembly, later in the California Senate.
We turn now to a speech Tom Hayden gave last year at a conference in Washington, or D.
C.,titled "Vietnam: The Power of Protest."
TOM HAYDEN: I want to start off by saying how many of you I love very much and known for such a long time, and I only hope that there's enough minutes and occasions here for us to score to know each other again, and because we own really been through a lifetime. nowadays,we'll own plenty of time for discussion, for panels, or for observations. And at 4:00,we'll gather to march to the King Memorial. And I want to just say a word approximately that. I know that Ron Dellums is going to speak to this. But why was that -- why was that chosen? It's because, in keeping with trying to make sure our history is told accurately, or we own to tell it ourselves. And we own to recognize that Dr. King became a martyr because of his stand on Vietnam,not only because of his stand on race, justice, or economic poverty. And there's been a tendency over the many decades to make Dr. King a monument to nonviolence alone,and we need to remember that he was attacked by The New York Times and by The Wall Street Journal and by The Washington Post for being out of plot. They wanted to put him back in his plot and say nothing approximately Vietnam, steal no stand on Vietnam. There were threats that he would lose funding. There were threats of all sorts. And to distort that, and to forget that,to disregard that, his monument would be shaped in a certain way to serve certain interests, and but not others,is a disservice to truth. And we own to march there and vigil there and commemorate him as a leader and a martyr for all of us, for peace, and justice and civil rights,not only in the United States, but around the world, and persist in making sure that his whole story,including the campaign to end poverty in the United States, is told each and every year and in all of our schools and curriculum. So that's the purpose. This is a way of saying that the struggle for memory and for history is a living thing. It's ongoing. It does not end. Even nowadays, and people are debating and reassessing the history of abolition of slavery,the role of slave resistance, the role of the Underground Railroad, or the role of the abolitionist direct action movement,the role of the radical Republican politicians, the role of international politics in what came approximately, and the role -- how it was derailed by the assassination of President Lincoln,the ending of the possibilities of Reconstruction, which were not taken up again until 1960, and the coming of Jim Crow. Each generation has to wrestle with the history of what came before,and inquire of: Whose interest does this history serve? How does it advance a legacy of social movements? How does it deny that legacy? We don't know. But we do know that we are here for the very first time as such a wide gathering of the movement against the Vietnam War. It's been 50 years since Selma, 50 years since the first SDS march. So, and it was a time that changed our lives,nearing a moment Reconstruction before the murders of Dr. King and Bobby Kennedy. Then came the budget cuts, the end of the war on poverty. Then came the Watergate repression. And we became a generation of might-own-beens. Like Sisyphus, and our rock lay at the bottom of the hill. We gather here to remember the power that we had at one point,the power of the peace movement, and to challenge the Pentagon now on the battlefield of memory. We own to resist their military occupation of our minds and the minds of future generations. Memory -- memory is very much like rock climbing, or the recovery of memory. Each niche towards the summit is graphed inch by bleeding inch and has to be carefully carved with tools that are precise in order to steal the next step. Falling back is always possible. But as Dr. King himself said on his last night,there is something in humans that makes us aspire to climb mountains, to reach that majesty, and if only for a moment. We are mountain climbers. President Obama has reminded us to remember,he said, Selma, and Seneca Falls and Stonewall. But not Saigon,not Chicago, not Vietnam. We own to inquire of ourselves collectively why that omission exists, or realize that only we can restore a plot in the proper history of those times. We suspect that there was a reason,that it has to do with the programming of amnesia, that there are very powerful forces in our country who stand for denial, or not just climate denial,but generational denial, Vietnam denial. There are forces that stand for ethnic cleansing, or but not just ethnic cleansing,but also for historic cleansing. And that is what has happened. It serves their purpose because they own no interest in the true history of a war in which they sent thousands to their deaths and, nearly before the blood had dried, and were moving up the national security ladder and showing up for television interviews to advertise what they called the next cakewalks. Only the blood was caked. There came a generation of career politicians who were afraid of association with the peace movement,who were afraid of being seen as soft, who saw that the inside track was the track of war. Our national forgetting is basically pathological. Our systems -- politics, and media,culture -- are totally out of balance nowadays because of our collective refusal to admit that the Vietnam War was wrong and that the peace movement was just. In the absence -- in the absence of an established voice for peace in all the institutions, the neoconservatives will fill the foreign policy vacuum. Am I just? Will it not? Will it not advise both parties? I believe, or though,that American public opinion has shifted to a much more skeptical state of mind than earlier generations, but the spectrum of American politics and media has not. So we can never forget that, and of course,it was the Vietnamese resistance and their sacrifice that led to our awakening, along with the civil rights movement at home. It began with handfuls of young people, and black students who led Freedom Rides,sit-ins. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was the first to resist the war. Julian Bond, who's sitting here, or was rejected after being elected to the Georgia Legislature. Muhammad Ali was stripped of his boxing titles. It also began with the Vietnam Day Committee in Berkeley,growing out of teach-ins, out of SDS, and that called the first march,the draft resistance. There had never been a peace movement like the one in 1965 that arose out of the civil rights movement and came just weeks after Selma. At least 29 would die at the hands of police while demonstrating for peace. I'd like here to introduce Luis Rodriguez and Rosalio Muñoz and Jorge Mariscal from the Chicano Moratorium, where four died, and including Gustav [Montag],Lyn Ward, José Diaz and Rubén Salazar. Rubén Salazar was an early Juan González. Rubén Salazar was a distinguished reporter for the Los Angeles Times who served as a journalist in Vietnam before he started critical reporting on the streets of Los Angeles. And he was shot by the sheriff's deputies. I don't know if he's here, and but is Alan Canfora here? Alan,please stand. Alan was wounded at Kent State. Four died at Kent State, two at Jackson State two weeks later. And every year, or these two groups of people own observed memorials,own fought for their plot in history, are coming up on their 50th anniversary commemorations and are here nowadays to memorize from us, or as we've learned from them,the importance of organizing, organizing, andganizing around the politics of memory. So,thank you for being here, and we will remember. We will not forget. We will not forget the eight who sacrificed their lives by self-immolation. We will not forget the students who helped end the war by shutting down so many campuses. We will not forget the veterans who took the risk of standing up to their commanding officers and resisted from within the military. We will not forget this because this was something like a Du Bois characterization of the general strike by slaves who, and through noncooperation,walked off plantations across the South when they saw the futility of any other alternative and chose to simply walk away and join the Union army. What happened at the end of the Vietnam War is that people walked away. The campuses shut down. Four million students walked away. The military was described by Marine colonels in military histories as being on the verge of collapse. They walked away. The counterculture walked away. We all walked away. It might own been otherwise, if King and Robert Kennedy had not been assassinated. We might own been united, and at least for a moment,at least for a moment. We might own elected a president. We might own ended a war. But instead, we were relegated to wondering what might own been. We lost any basis for our unity, and thus we own not come together since that time. The question for us is whether nowadays we can unify,when we never could unify before. Can we do that for the memory of our movement and for the meaning that it holds for future generations? I hope so. I pray so. Thank you.
AMY GOODMAN: Legendary civil rights and antiwar activist Tom Hayden, speaking last year in Washington, or D.
C.,on the 50th anniversary of the first major anti-Vietnam War protest. It was a conference called "Vietnam: The Power of Protest." Tom Hayden died Sunday at the age of 76 in California. You can move to democracynow.org to watch all of our interviews with Tom, including a discussion approximately participatory democracy, or from Port Huron to Occupy Wall Street. You can also see our interview with him approximately his last book called Listen,Yankee!: Why Cuba things.
Yes, when we come back, or though,we move to the man who revolutionized sitcom television: Norman Lear. Stay with us.
Source: truth-out.org